Development resistance
threatens election upset in Devon
Martin Shaw 23 February 2015
In one seat in the
South West, the bookies list the main challenger is an independent. What's
going on?
It is the
unlikeliest place to look for evidence of Europe's new political turbulence.
Forecasters agree that in South West England, the main issue in the May 7
General Election is between the two Coalition parties. Will the Liberal
Democrats manage to cling on to their seats or will David Cameron's Tories take
them, offsetting Labour gains elsewhere in England and Wales - which combined
with the SNP's capture of Labour seats in Scotland will allow Cameron to remain
in Downing Street?
Certainly, the
insurgent soft-racist party, UKIP, will advance a little here, but it is
nowhere near to capturing seats as it may elsewhere. Likewise the 'Green surge'
may conceivably work in regional capital Bristol, but there is no sign that
rural constituencies will see strong Green advances. With the Lib Dems the fall
guys of the UK's first coalition since the Second World War, sitting Tory MPs
must be feeling complacent about their own returns to Westminster, even if the
national outcome remains on a knife-edge.
This will undoubtedly
have been the case in the East Devon constituency, where the academic site electionforecast.co.uk
projects national trends to give the Conservatives 40 per cent, Labour 16, the
LibDems and UKIP 15 each and the Greens 7. However the site willingly
acknowledges that local constituency-level knowledge is not included in its
model, and Lord Ashcroft's programme of constituency polling has also not reached here.
It is therefore
understandable that national media have so far overlooked a very English local
insurgency which has produced a serious independent candidate, Claire
Wright http://www.claire-wright.org/, who
aims to oust Tory foreign office minister, Hugo Swire.
Independent MPs
are rarely elected in UK general elections, but the rare exceptions are often
in safe Tory seats where (as here) both Labour and the Lib Dems are weak. In
recent times, Martin Bell (a BBC reporter) toppled 'sleazy' Tory Neil Hamilton
(now a leading UKIP figure) in Tatton in 1997, although when Bell stood down in 2001, the seat
reverted to the Tories' George Osborne. Consultant Richard Taylor captured Wyre Forest in 2001 on the back of a strong campaign to save
Kidderminster’s hospital, holding it until 2010. Could East Devon be 2015's case? Wright is not a celebrity capitalising on a national scandal, as Bell was, nor does she have a single decision like Kidderminster's hospital closure to rally opposition to local Tory dominance (although local hospital closures are important issues, and Wright is part of a campaign against cuts in the Ottery St. Mary hospital).. It might therefore be thought that her chances are slim. Yet she is building on very broad opposition to the ruling Tories on East Devon District Council (EDDC), widely perceived as a one-party state where developers rule - if not a hotbed of corruption (Tory Graham Brown was forced to resign in 2013 in a ‘councillors for hire’ scandal).
Wright has a broad
local base. A youthful district and County councillor, she came to prominence
in a mass movement which brought 4,000 people onto the streets of the district
capital and seaside resort of Sidmouth (population 14,000) in 2012, in protest
against a development on open green space proposed by the EDDC. Already there
was a scent of wider anger with a one-party regime on the council (the Tories
have ruled for 35 of the
last 39 Years). ‘Without the ventilation
of change, the council has, some feel, begun to smell’, wrote the
editor of Country Life at the time.
Unlike most such
protests which quickly fade, Save Our Sidmouth spawned a movement, the East
Devon Alliance (EDA), which is now challenging for power on the council. EDA is
aiming to contest at least 45 of the 58 council seats and end Tory rule. The
election takes place on the same day as the general election and the Lib Dems
have no chance of gaining control, while Labour and the Greens will be lucky to
gain any seats at all.
Syriza or Podemos, EDA is not.
Yet this local movement of mainly middle-aged, middle-class southern English is
one of many local resistances to the Tory-led Coalition's National Planning Policy Framework,
widely seen as a property developers' charter, who are nationally united in the
Community Voice on Planning (COVOP).
Like the London
tenants fighting the sale of their estates to developers, EDA contests the
increasing bias of the British state towards property developers, local and
international. The difference between EDA and other anti-developer resistance
is that EDA, including several sitting independent councillors, is now
challenging for district power. With implicit backing from the local press, EDA
threatens a major upset in this quiet backwater.
Without EDA's
challenge to the local council, Wright's independent campaign might seem
quixotic. Yet simultaneous local and national elections, with synergies between
the campaigns, give her a chance. Bookies now have her ahead of the
Lib Dems and Labour, and a respectable
second place is clearly possible. Wright's challenge is to persuade Lib Dem,
Labour and Green voters who will vote EDA in the local elections to also
support her - while at the same time trying to eat away at the Tory vote.
In what has been
called Britain's most unpredictable election - as I write, election forecast
projects a mere one-seat Labour plurality over the Tories (283-282 in a
parliament where 326 seats are needed for a majority) - clearly every seat
counts. Experts expect wide variations between constituency outcomes, and East
Devon is another to watch. They would also do well to take on board the
significance of the local elections: in East Devon on May 8, the most likely
change is an end to decades of Tory council rule.
This article was taken from the Open Democracy forum https://www.opendemocracy.net/about
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